[08.07.26 加拿大 环球邮报] 戒备森严的北京

dakelv

【标题】 BEIJING LOCKDOWN 戒备森严的北京
【来源】http://www.theglobeandmail.com/s ... International/Asia/
【翻译】dakelv
【声明】本文翻译仅限Anti-CNN使用，谢绝转载。
【备注】同时发布至外媒看奥运版
【原文】



WEEKEND SPECIAL: CHINA'S OLYMPIC STRAITJACKET
BEIJING LOCKDOWN
Network of 400,000 spies dims hope for new freedom Games have instead 'stunted the growth of civil society'

GEOFFREY YORK

gyork@globeandmail.com

July 26, 2008

In the small Beijing suburb

of Hongxialu, there's a new force in town. The government has recruited a special unit of 288 residents, mostly middle-aged or elderly, to work as "security volunteers" in the lead-up to the Olympics.

Wearing red armbands with Olympic badges, the volunteers loiter near the entrance gates of their neighbourhood. They scrutinize every visitor and report to the police if they see anyone unfamiliar or suspicious.

The volunteers of Hongxialu are just one cog in a vast machinery of surveillance in Beijing these days. Across the city, a network of 400,000 informants and volunteers has been mobilized to keep an eye out in their communities. The old Maoist system of neighbourhood committees, which had largely fallen into irrelevance in the past decade, is being revived again as a tool of social control.

When the last gold medal has been awarded and the athletes have left, this network of informers - along with an estimated 300,000 surveillance cameras and a strengthened security apparatus - will remain as perhaps the biggest legacy of the historic Beijing Olympics.

In many ways, it is a return to China's past. "The country's labyrinthine network of law-enforcement, censorship and surveillance apparatuses has reimposed a straitjacket over the populace," says Willy Lam, a political analyst based in Hong Kong.

This is not how it was supposed to be. In 2001, when the International Olympic Committee awarded the games to Beijing, there was optimism that the Olympics would bring political liberalization and openness to China, just as it did to South Korea in the late 1980s.

For the optimists, the 1988 Seoul Olympics were the perfect model for what could happen in China. South Korea was a military dictatorship in 1981 when it was awarded the Olympics. But by 1987, thousands of protesters were holding nightly demonstrations to demand democracy.

The protests led to a political crisis in South Korea. Olympic sponsors were worried, and there was speculation that the Olympics might be shifted to another city. To avoid the humiliation of losing the Games, the military regime agreed to rewrite the constitution and hold a free election - the first democratic presidential election in the country's history. Historians agree that the Olympics were a key factor in bringing democracy to South Korea.

But if Seoul was the dream, the reality in China is much different. Those who hoped for a democratic transformation of China should have noticed that the Olympics have often been held in authoritarian regimes without producing any political change. Seoul was the exception, not the norm.

More typical examples were the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the 1968 Mexico City Olympics and the 1980 Moscow Olympics. In each case, the Games failed to dent the authoritarian systems.

The 1936 Berlin Games were a glorification of Nazism (and the birth of the Olympic torch relay, which played such a big part in Beijing's propaganda efforts this year). The 1968 Games were held in a climate of repression, just 10 days after Mexican security forces opened fire on student demonstrators, killing hundreds.

But the best parallel to the Beijing Olympics might be the 1980 Games in Moscow - the last Olympics to be held in a Communist country.

Just as in China today, the 1980 Olympics were exploited by the host government to glorify its political system. Just as in Beijing today, the Soviet authorities used the Olympics as an excuse to round up dissidents, the homeless, and anyone else who might embarrass the government. Ordinary citizens were forced to wait years before the first stirrings of change in their country.

The 1980 Olympics failed to bring any political improvement to the Soviet Union. Will it have the same failed legacy in China?

So far, it seems clear that the Beijing Olympics have led to a deterioration of human rights and freedom in China. "It has reversed the clock," says Nicholas Bequelin, a China researcher for Human Rights Watch. "Over all, the Games are having a negative impact on human rights. It has stunted the growth of civil society and civil organizations."

In the lead-up to the Olympics this year, China has revitalized its mechanisms of social control, including the neighbourhood committees, and allowed the Public Security Ministry to become the dominant power in the government, Mr. Bequelin said.

"Public Security has been put in the driver's seat for the preparation of the Olympics, and that's why we see so many unjustified and unreasonable restrictions. And once you give these powers to the security ministry, it's hard to take them back."

China has made little secret of its security obsession. It has officially declared that "safety" is the top issue for the Olympics today, far ahead of any issue of athletic success or environmental cleanliness. China's state news agency, Xinhua, says the traditional goal of every Olympics - to be "the best Games in history" - has been replaced this year by a new goal: "Safe Games."

To achieve this goal, China has called for "people's warfare" - an old Maoist term that was rarely used until this year. "We should mobilize the masses of the people to contribute to the security of the Games," said Zhou Yongkang, a senior member of the Communist Politburo.

The mobilization will reach far beyond the neighbourhood committees. There will be 100,000 police and soldiers in an anti-terrorism force. There will be thousands of special volunteers in the Olympic venues - and many of these will be plainclothes security agents, China said this week.

The mobilization of this far-reaching surveillance network has been accompanied by a crackdown on dissidents, social activists, petitioners, lawyers, ethnic minorities, and anyone else considered a potential troublemaker or embarrassment to the authorities at the Games.

Dozens of activists and writers have been jailed or forced to leave Beijing. Lawyers who represent troublesome clients have lost their licences. Thousands of foreigners have been forced to leave China because they cannot get their visas renewed. Thousands of Tibetans and Uyghurs have fled Beijing because of police harassment - and because landlords and hotels won't let them stay.

Wan Yanhai, an outspoken AIDS activist, is planning to leave Beijing for the duration of the Olympics. "Many people we work with are leaving," he said. "In the past two months, the police have followed me for a total of 10 days. It never happened to me before."

Some of the restrictions have gone to absurd extremes. Outdoor gatherings, even concerts, have been cancelled. Street vendors and recycling men have been cleared away. Many hole-in-the-wall shops and cheap restaurants have been ordered shut, apparently because they are deemed too small or unsightly.

At many nightclubs and bars, the authorities have effectively banned live music, refusing to grant the licences that are necessary for concerts. Even the few foreign musicians who do manage to play in Beijing are required to seek official approval of their song lyrics. For the denizens of Beijing's famed underground rock scene, the Olympics have become the day the music died.

"This government is bent on recentralizing policy and authority generally, so this tightening will not be temporary," said Russell Leigh Moses, a political analyst in Beijing.

"I think that we will look back upon these Games as representing not a move towards political reform or rethinking power but bolstering the confidence of officials that they can indeed micromanage events."

Some of the new restrictions - including the tighter controls on visitors and foreigners - will not only remain in Beijing but will probably be extended to other cities, Mr. Moses said.

"For all too many officials, these Games are not about international co-operation but about Chinese power," he said.

If the political legacy of the Beijing Olympics is likely to be limited or even negative, the economic and environmental legacy will be equally minimal.

The new Olympic architecture has gained global attention, but its economic impact is negligible. National spending on Olympic infrastructure has boosted Beijing's economy by barely 1 per cent, analysts say.

Short-term spending by Olympic visitors will be counterbalanced by the losses at factories that are being shut for environmental reasons. And since Beijing provides only 3 per cent of China's national output - far less than the economic share of most Olympic host cities - the Olympics will do almost nothing for the Chinese economy.

The environmental legacy of the Beijing Games, finally, will be marginal. New subway lines will be helpful, but the smog is likely to return as soon as the Games are over. Beijing has managed to reduce pollution slightly in the past five years, but the number of "blue-sky days" has increased by barely 10 per cent in that period.

Even with rules to slash the number of cars on the streets of Beijing this week, the improvement in smog levels has been modest. Pollution levels returned to dangerous levels on Thursday - five days after the new traffic system had begun.

When the Olympics are over, Beijing's streets will be jammed with traffic again. For the millions who watch the Olympics on television or in the stadiums, the Beijing Games will be a pleasant memory - but life will return to normal, with none of the reforms that the IOC had fantasized about.



【原文截图】




[ 本帖最后由 dakelv 于 2008-7-27 12:32 编辑 ]

dakelv

【译文】

戒备森严的北京

一个由400000个暗探组成的网络使新的自由希望变得暗淡；奥运‘阻碍了平民社会的发展’

在北京近郊一个名叫红霞路的小区，有一股新的队伍。政府召集了288个居民组成了一个特殊单位，他们中大部分是中年或老年人，他们的工作是在奥运来临之前做“安全志愿者。”

志愿者戴着有奥运徽章的红袖章，在他们居住附近的奥运场馆入口处巡逻。他们盘问每一个来访者，并向警察报告任何一个他们不熟悉或者觉得可疑的人。

红霞路的志愿者只是当今北京的巨大监控机器里的一个齿轮。在整个城市，一个由40万眼线和志愿者组成的网络被调动起来，以监视他们所在的社区。在过去十几年，毛时代的居委会已经基本上不合时宜了，但是现在它又被重新恢复起来，成为社会控制的工具。

当最后一枚金牌颁发完毕，当所有的运动员都离开后，这个网络里的眼线，以及大约30万监控相机和加强的安全器材，将可能会成为具有历史意义的北京奥运的最大遗产。

从多种意义上来说，这标志着回归中国的过去。“这个国家的由执法者，审查机构，和监控仪器组成的迷宫一样的网络，给民众身上套上了一件紧身衣，”驻北京的政治分析学家Willy 林说。

情况本不应该是这样的。2001年，当国际奥委会把奥运举办权颁发给北京时，大家都很乐观的希望奥运将给中国带来政治自由和开放，就像80年代末的汉城奥运会一样。

对于乐观者来说，1988年的汉城奥运会是奥运将给中国带来何种变化的一个模式。1981年南韩获得奥运主办权时，它是一个军人独裁政权。但是到1987年，成千上万的抗议者在夜间抗议要求民主。

这些抗议导致了南韩的政治危机。奥运赞助商担心起来，有人猜测奥运会可能会转到另外一个城市。为了避免失去奥运主办权的耻辱，军人政权同意重修宪法并举行自由选举 - 那是这个国家历史上第一次民主总统选举。历史学家一致认为奥运在给南韩带来民主方面起到了关键的作用。

但是如果汉城是一个梦想，那么中国的现实却非常不同。那些希望中国发生民主转变的人应该注意到，奥运会以前也曾在独裁国家举办，而且也没有带来任何政治变革。汉城是个例外，不是一个模式。

典型的例子是1936年柏林奥运会，1968年墨西哥奥运会和1980年莫斯科奥运会。上述每一次奥运会都没有对独裁体制产生任何影响。

1936年的柏林奥运会是对纳粹的歌功颂德（这次奥运会上诞生了在今年北京宣传攻势中占很大比重的奥运火炬传递）。1968年的奥运会是在镇压的氛围中举办的，奥运举办的十天前墨西哥安全部队对抗议的学生开火，造成数百人死亡。

但是和北京奥运会最相似的奥运会可能是1980年的莫斯科奥运会，那是最后一个由一个共产主义国家举办奥运。

正如在今日的中国一样，1980年奥运会被举办方政府利用来为其政治体制歌功颂德。也如在今日的中国一样，苏联当局用奥运会做借口抓捕不同政见者，无家可归者，以及任何有可能使政府尴尬的人。普通公民被迫等了数年才等到他们国家的第一轮变革。

1980年的奥运会没有给苏联带来任何政治进步。在中国是否也会留下同样的失败遗产呢？

到目前为止，很明显，北京奥运导致了中国人权和自由的恶化。“它使时钟倒拨了，”一个名叫Nicholas Bequelin的属于人权观察组织的中国研究者说。“总的来说，奥运会对人权起到了反作用。它阻碍了平民社会和贫民组织的成长。

Bequelin先生说，在今年奥运的准备过程中，中国又重新恢复了其社会控制机制，包括居委会，以及允许公安部成为政府里的主宰力量。

“为了准备奥运，公共安全被放到了首要位置，这也是为什么我们看到了如此多的不公正的，毫无理由的限制。而且一旦给予安全部门这些权利，就很难再收回。”

北京也不讳言它对安全问题的执着。它正式宣布“安全”是今天奥运的首要问题，远远超过运动员的成功或者环境的清洁。中国官方新华社说奥运会的传统目标 - 成为“史上最成功的奥运” - 今年已经被一个新的目标- “最安全的奥运” - 所代替。

为了达到这个目标，中国发动了一场“人民战争” - 这是在今年以前很少用的毛时代的一个词汇。“我们应该动员广大人民群众为奥运的安全出力，”中共政治局高级官员周永康说。

这次动员远远超过了居委会的范畴。本周中国方面说，这次动员包括10万警察和士兵组成的反恐部队以及在奥运场馆的成千上万的特殊志愿者，他们当中将有很多人是便衣特工人员。

在动员这个广泛的监控网络的同时，（中国）也同时打击异见人士，社会活动家，上访者，律师，少数民族，和任何其他被认为可能会在奥运会上给官方制造麻烦或者让他们感到尴尬的人。

十几个活动家和作家已经被拘禁或者被迫离开北京。那些代表麻烦制造者的律师也失去了他们的执照。数千外国人由于无法延签证而被迫离开中国。数千西藏人和维吾尔人由于不堪警察的骚扰和因为房东以及旅馆不肯收留他们而逃离北京。

万岩海（音译），一个敢于直言的艾滋活动人士，正计划在奥运期间离开北京。“许多和我们一起工作的人正在离开，”他说。“在过去两个月里，警察跟踪了我整整10天。这在过去从来没有发生过。”

有些安全限制简直荒唐透顶。室外聚会，甚至是演唱会，都被取消了。街头小贩和拾荒者都被赶走。很多临街小店和低廉的旅社被命令关门，很明显这是因为它们太小或者有损市容。


在很多夜总会和酒吧，官方通过拒绝发放演唱会必须的许可而有效的禁止了现场演唱会。即使少有的几个在北京表演的外国乐手也被要求必须拿到有关部门对他们歌词的批准。对于北京有名的地下摇滚圈的成员来说，奥运举办之时就是摇滚死亡之日。

这届政府不惜一切恢复政策和权力的集中，所以这种（政策的）收紧不会是暂时的，”Russell Leigh Moses，一个驻北京的政治分析家说。

“我想，以后我们回顾奥运时，我们会发现，奥运会没有促进政治改革或者促使权力的重新思考，而是巩固了中国政府官方确实可以微控事件的自信。”

Moses先生说，有些新的限制措施 - 包括对访问者和外国人的更严密的控制 - 不仅会在北京继续下去，而且也有肯能延伸到其他城市。

“对太多的官员来说，这次奥运会不是有关于国际合作，而是关于中国的势力。”，他说。

如果北京奥运可能留下有限的甚至是负面的政治遗产的话，那么其经济和环境遗产也将同样是微乎其微。

奥运的新建筑已经引起了世界的关注，但是其经济影响基本可以忽略。分析家说，全国对奥运基础设施的投入仅仅使北京的经济增长了百分之一。

奥运观众短期的消费将被由于环境原因关闭工厂所带来的损失所抵消。同时由于北京的产值只占全国的百分之三 - 大大低于其他奥运主办城市经济占（所在国经济）份额 - 奥运对于中国经济来说基本上没有任何帮助。

最后，北京奥运留下的环境遗产也将是微乎其微的。新建的地铁线路（对环境)将有所帮组，但是奥运一旦结束，烟雾就有可能重返。北京在过去五年里设法使污染有轻微减低，但是在这期间，“蓝田日”只增长了10个百分点。

景观本周出台了旨在减少北京上路车辆数目的政策，这对减少烟雾的作用也有限。污染程度在车辆限行政策出台后五天的周四又重新达到危险水平。

当奥运结束时，北京的街道又将会塞满了车辆。对于在电视前或者在体育馆观看奥运的观众来说，北京奥运将会是美好的回忆 - 但是生活将会重归正常，国际奥委会所幻想的改革也会无影无踪。