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小 发表于 2008-5-12 09:18 只看该作者
纽约时报[新新世界],美国说什么都是要拉中国一起进浑水
出处:纽约时报
地址: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/11/books/review/Joffe-t.html?ref=asia
标题:The New New World [新新世界]
日期:当地时间5月11日
作者:JOSEF JOFFE
The New New World
Every 20 years or so, the end of America is nigh — ever since the 18th century when, in France, Comte de Buffon fingered the country as a den of degeneracy while Abbé Raynal slammed its cultural poverty: America had not yet produced “one good poet, one able mathematician, one man of genius.” In 1987, in his book “The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers,” the Yale historian Paul Kennedy saw the United States on the road to perdition — this, four years before the suicide of the Soviet Union, which left America all alone in the penthouse of global power. Now, two decades on, it is the much-hyped “great power shift” toward Asia that will turn the United States into a has-been.
At first blush, “The Post-American World,” by Fareed Zakaria, seems to fall into the same genre. But make no mistake. This is a relentlessly intelligent book that eschews simple-minded projections from crisis to collapse. There is certainly plenty to bemoan — from the disappearing dollar to the subprime disaster, from rampant anti-Americanism to wars in Iraq and Afghanistan that will take years to win.
Yet Zakaria’s is not another exercise in declinism. His point is not the demise of Gulliver, but the “rise of the rest.” After all, how can this giant follow Rome and Britain onto the dust heap of empire if it can prosecute two wars at once without much notice at home? The granddaughters of those millions of Rosie the Riveters who kept the World War II economy going are off to the mall today; if they don’t shop till they drop, it’s because of recession, not rationing.
[前面都是唱衰美国的,从文化止步不前/贫乏谈到导致国家退化,然后谈到将“权力”重心放到了亚洲导致美国处于被动地位;第2段谈到港币流失和次贷危机,伊拉克和阿富汗的疯狂反美战役;第3段,学术色彩和渊博比喻超出猪理解范围,不明白,大概是美国本土自身某些制度与现实的矛盾]
[后面就把其他国家拉进来了,但是转来转去貌似还是围绕中国分析]
The real problem, Zakaria argues, is the rise of China, trailed by India. China’s is indeed the most incredible success story in history — a tale of almost 30 years of growth in the 7-to-10-percent range that seems to defy the laws of economic gravity. The United States, Germany and Japan had similar tales to tell in the late 19th century, but bust was the price of boom, and for Germany as well as Japan (add Russia, too), headlong industrialization ended in the horrors of 20th-century totalitarianism.
用工具翻,猪口才有限:
[真正的问题,扎卡里亚认为,这是中国的崛起,落后印度。中国的的确是最不可思议的成功故事在历史上-的故事,近3 0年的增长, 7至1 0%的范围内,似乎藐视法律的经济重心。美国,德国和日本有类似的故事,告诉在19世纪后期,但胸围是价格的繁荣,以及德国,以及日本(新增俄罗斯,太) ,大呼工业化结束在可怕的20世纪极权主义。]
句子很卡,不通顺,说白了就是,中国经济发展迅猛,然后暗示,发展重心偏向经济一侧,质疑之
But for China it’s up, up and away. As Zakaria memorably puts it, “China today exports in a single day more than it exported in all of 1978.” Authoritarian modernization just hums along. The Party’s message reads “Enrich yourselves, but leave the driving to us,” and most of 1.3 billion Chinese seem happy to comply — and to consume. With power safely lodged in the Politburo, China does not conform to the historical pattern of “first rich, then rowdy,” which led to Tokyo’s and Berlin’s imperialist careers.
凡是文法不通的句子,都是工具翻的:
[但对于中国,它的成立,和消失。作为卡利亚memorably的说法, “今天的中国,出口在一个单一天以上的出口在所有1978年” 。威权现代化建设刚刚hums沿。党的讯息,写着“充实自己,但离开驾驶, ”我们和大部分的十三亿中国似乎很乐意遵守-和消费。与电力安全提出在中央政治局,中国不符合历史的格局: “首先丰富,然后粗暴” ,导致东京和柏林的帝国主义的事业。]
1978,改革开放,[出口]指的是贸易出口额度,[hums]意思为发声,猪直接理解为现代化建设刚刚发出号召,那个[讯息]非常本土的理解为[引进外来资源充实··,但不要让外资牵着我们走],[乐意遵守和消费]理解为,响应这一号召,拉动内需,[丰富]理解为富裕,总的意思个人理解是说,中国没走先富起来,然后以强凌弱的路子
So why worry? “The problem is size,” Zakaria writes. “China operates on so large a scale that it can’t help changing the nature of the game.” True, but let’s play another game, that of compound interest. China’s (nominal) G.D.P. is about $3 trillion, while America’s is $14 trillion. Assume indefinite Chinese growth of 7 percent. That will double G.D.P. to $6 trillion in 10 years and double it again to $12 trillion by 2028. Assume now that the United States will grow at its historical rate of 3.5 percent. By 2028, G.D.P. will measure $28 trillion. This is a silly game, but no more inane than those projections that see China overtaking the United States as early as 2020. American output would still be about one-quarter of the world total, the average for the past 125 years, as Zakaria reminds us.
机器翻:
[那么,为何担心? “问题是,大小, ”卡利亚写道。 “中国的运作这么大的规模,它不能帮助改变性质的游戏” 。属实,但是让我们发挥的另一个游戏,即复利。中国的(额定的) g.d.p.约3万亿美元,而美国的是十四万点零亿美元。假设无限期中国经济增长7 % 。这将增加一倍g.d.p.以六○○○○○○○○○○○○美元在10年内增加一倍,它再次十二万亿美元由2028年。假设现在,美国将增加在其历史3.5 %的速度。由2028年, g.d.p.衡量2800000000万美元。这是一个愚蠢的游戏,但没有更多的inane比推算,看到中国超越美国,早在2020年。美国的产量仍然会约四分之一的世界总平均为过去125年,作为卡利亚提醒我们。]
一个经济学家考虑的问题,猪打比方,甲跟乙比谁某值增长快[按自身本金来做正比计算],甲有5块钱,乙有10块钱,两人搏命打工,要打平手的话甲赚5块乙就必须赚10块,就是这样······
What about the shifting tides of power? In the affairs of nations, “power” is more complex than in physics. The “hard stuff” — military clout — is certainly central. China’s defense budget may be the world’s No. 2, but in dollar terms, America spends almost as much as the rest of the world combined. Hence, might — at least American might — doesn’t just “grow out of the barrel of a gun,” as Mao Zedong famously had it; “it’s the economy, stupid.” Will America stay on top — devaluation, deficits and all?
[如何转移浪潮的权力呢?在事务的联合国, “权力”是更复杂的,比在物理学中。 “硬东西” -军事影响力-当然是中央。中国的国防预算可能是世界的第2号,但以美元计算,美国花了几乎高达世界其余地区的总和。因此,可能-至少在美国可能-不只是“成长出枪杆子,”正如毛泽东著名的有; : “这是经济,愚蠢”,将美国留在顶端-贬值,赤字和所有?]
这个句子比较通顺,不梳理了,看见没,狐狸尾巴露出来了
So, let’s look at a related determinant of power: culture. Again, Zakaria proceeds more subtly than the run-of-the-mill declinist by stressing American advantages not captured by growth rates and export surpluses. He rightly takes on the old saw to the effect that China produces 600,000 engineers a year, India 350,000 and the United States only 70,000. This is true if you include “auto mechanics and industrial repairmen” in the Asian totals. Subtract them, and America “actually trains more engineers per capita than either India or China does.”
[所以,让我们看看一个相关的行列式的权力:文化。再次,扎卡里亚的收益,更巧妙的比运行- - -轧机declinist强调,美国的优势,没有被俘的增长率和出口盈余。他正确地考虑对旧看到,其大意是中国生产的60.0万工程师1年,印度35.0万和美国只有7.0万。这是事实,如果你包括“汽车机械及工业修理工”在亚洲的总数。减去他们,美国“实际上列车更多的工程师,人均比印度或中国,是否” 。]
The larger point is that “higher education is America’s best industry” — never mind the creeping demise of Detroit’s Big Three. “With 5 percent of the world’s population, the United States absolutely dominates higher education, having either 42 or 68 percent of the world’s top 50 universities” (depending on who is counting). In India, he adds, “universities graduate between 35 and 50 Ph.D.’s in computer science each year; in America the figure is 1,000.” Now, Beijing is pouring oodles into its universities, but so did Austin, Tex., in the oil-rich ’70s, and Stanford et al. are still on top.
[规模较大的一点是, “高等教育是美国的最好的产业” -永远铭记蠕动的消亡底特律三大。 “ 5 %的世界人口,美国绝对主导的高等教育,无论是42或68 %的世界顶尖的50所大学” (取决于谁是票) 。在印度,他补充说, “大学毕业生之间的35和50个博士学位' S在计算机科学每年在美国这个数字是1000年” ,现在,北京是“ Oodles浇筑到它的大学,但没有奥斯汀, Tex 。 ,在石油蕴藏丰富的七十年代,及史丹福等人。仍在进行中顶端。]
In the industrial age, hardware mattered; today it is software, a k a “culture.” This is a grab bag: skills, openness, innovation, opportunity, competition. “It’s brains, stupid,” Bill Clinton might exclaim today. And youth. China, Japan and Europe are aging rapidly; the United States will remain a young country way into the 21st century. And why? Immigration is “America’s secret weapon.” In my Stanford class, the A’s regularly go to students called Kim, Zhou, Patel or Vertiz; these are not the “huddled masses,” but their children — the gifted and hungry who will slough off the old and drive the new. “First rich, then fat and lazy” will not be America’s fate.
[在工业时代,硬件重要的;今天,这是软件,又名“文化” ,这是一个抓斗袋:技能,开放,创新,机遇,竞争。 “它的大脑,愚蠢的, ”比尔克林顿可能会惊叹今天。和青年。中国,日本和欧洲是老龄化迅速;美国仍将是一个年轻的国家的方式带入21世纪。为什么?移民是“美国的秘密武器。 : ”在我斯坦福级, A的定期到学生的所谓金,周,帕特尔或贝尔蒂斯;这些都不是“ huddled群众, ”但他们的子女-天才和饥饿谁将斯劳小康和旧机新。 “第一丰富,那么脂肪和懒惰, ”将不会是美国的命运。]
What’s the problem, then? “America remains the global superpower today, but it is an enfeebled one.” It has blown wads of political capital, but it is still better positioned to manage the “rise of the rest” than its rivals. Europe is rich, but placid and graying. Resurgent Russia is too grabby. China is more subtle in its ambitions, but still a classic revisionist that wants more for itself and less for the whole. It craves respect but will choose bloody repression in the crunch, as in Tibet.
[什么样的问题,然后呢? “美国仍然是全球超级大国,但它是一个enfeebled 1 。 ”它吹wads的政治资本,但它仍是更好的定位管理“的崛起,其余的”比其竞争对手。欧洲是丰富,但平和和灰色。死灰复燃的俄罗斯是太grabby 。中国是更为微妙在其野心,但仍然是一个典型的修正主义要更多的为自己和不足,为整个。它渴望尊重,但会选择在血腥镇压,在资金紧绌,作为在西藏。]
The United States, too, has acted the bully in recent years, and it has paid dearly. Still, why does it retain “considerable ability to set the agenda,” to quote Zakaria? How can it muster the convening power that brings 80 nations to Annapolis? The short answer (mine) is: America remains the “default power”; others may fear it, but who else will take care of global business? Maybe it takes a liberal, seafaring empire, as opposed to the Russian or the Habsburg, to temper power and self-interest with responsibility for the rest.
[美国,也已采取行动,恃强凌弱,在最近几年,它已付出了高昂的代价。还有,为何不保留“相当大的能力来设定议程, ”引述扎卡里亚?又如何能鼓起召开会议的权力,使80个国家,以安纳波利斯?简短的答案(矿)是:美国仍是“默认的权力” ;他人可能害怕,但还有谁照顾全球业务?也许需要一个自由,航海帝国,作为反对向俄罗斯或哈布斯堡,锻炼的权力和自身利益与责任为休息。]
And maybe it takes a Bombay-born immigrant like Zakaria, who went from Yale to Harvard (where we were colleagues) and to the top of Newsweek International, to remind this faltering giant of its unique and enduring strengths. America will be in trouble only when China becomes home to tomorrow’s hungry masses yearning to be free — and to make it.
[也许需要孟买出生的移民一样,扎卡里亚,谁从耶鲁到哈佛(如我们的同事)和顶部的新闻周刊国际,提醒这摇摇欲坠的巨人其独特的和持久的优势。美国将在麻烦,只有当中国成为在家明天的饥饿的群众渴望得到自由-并使它。]
不容易,很不容易,从历史-政治-经济-教育-政治[军事就不说了······]
唠叨文章,美国人为美国而写,对[后美国世界]作出的抗拒,忧虑和杂七杂八的分析,但是干嘛就要揪着中国不放了,老拿人对比······简直是 隐蔽的中国威胁论
以上个人意见,由于我没看过那书,所以我不能全面判断
由于我学历比较低,如果路过,大家处理8,这帖子我发了不准备管了
[ 本帖最后由 金牌小猪头 于 2008-5-12 09:19 编辑 ]
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