【08.4.29 美国 纽约时报】留美中国学生抗议对他们家乡的看法
【媒体出处】http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/2 ... 9&ex=1209700800
【中文翻译】elpeggy
【本文标题】Chinese Students in U.S. Fight View of Their Home 留美中国学生抗议对他们家乡的看法
【全文内容】

By SHAILA DEWAN
Published: April 29, 2008
Correction Appended

LOS ANGELES — When the time came for the smiling Tibetan monk at the front of the University of Southern California lecture hall to answer questions, the Chinese students who packed the audience for the talk last Tuesday had plenty to lob at their guest:  

Monica Almeida/The New York Times
Ben Huang challenging a Tibetan monk last Tuesday.


Monica Almeida/The New York Times
Min Zhu, center, was removed from an event with a monk at the University of Southern California after a bottle was thrown.

If Tibet was not part of China, why had the Chinese emperor been the one to give the Dalai Lama his title? How did the tenets of Buddhism jibe with the “slavery system” in Tibet before China’s modernization efforts? What about the Dalai Lama’s connection to Hitler?
As the monk tried to rebut the students, they grew more hostile. They brandished photographs and statistics to support their claims. “Stop lying! Stop lying!” one young man said. A plastic bottle of water hit the wall behind the monk, and campus police officers hustled the person who threw it out of the room.
Scenes like this, ranging from civil to aggressive, have played out at colleges across the country over the past month, as Chinese students in the United States have been forced to confront an image of their homeland that they neither recognize nor appreciate. Since the riots last month in Tibet, the disrupted Olympic torch relays and calls to boycott the opening ceremony of the Games in Beijing, Chinese students, traditionally silent on political issues, have begun to lash out at what they perceive as a pervasive anti-Chinese bias.
Last year, there were more than 42,000 students from mainland China studying in the United States, an increase from fewer than 20,000 in 2003, according to the State Department.
Campuses including Cornell, the University of Washington in Seattle and the University of California, Irvine, have seen a wave of counterdemonstrations using tactics that seem jarring in the American academic context. At the University of Washington, students fought to limit the Dalai Lama’s address to nonpolitical topics. At Duke, pro-China students surrounded and drowned out a pro-Tibet vigil; a Chinese freshman who tried to mediate received death threats, and her family was forced into hiding.
And last Saturday, students from as far as Florida and Tennessee traveled to Atlanta to picket CNN after a commentator, Jack Cafferty, referred to the Chinese as “goons and thugs.” (CNN said he was referring to the government, not the people.)
The student anger, stoked through e-mail messages sent to large campus mailing lists, stems not so much from satisfaction with the Chinese government but from shock at the portrayal of its actions, as well as frustration over the West’s long-standing love affair with Tibet — a love these students see as willfully blind.
By and large, they do not acknowledge the cultural and religious crackdown in Tibet, insisting that ordinary Tibetans have prospered under China’s economic development, and that only a small minority are unhappy.
“Before I came here, I’m very liberal,” said Minna Jia, a graduate student in political science at U.S.C. who encouraged fellow students to attend the monk’s lecture. “But after I come here, my professor told me that I’m nationalist.”
“I believe in democracy,” Ms. Jia added, “but I can’t stand for someone to criticize my country using biased ways. You are wearing Chinese clothes and you are using Chinese goods.”
Students interviewed for this article deplored the more extreme expressions of anger, like death threats against the Duke freshman and the tossing of the water bottle, and pointed out that Chinese students had little experience in the art of protest. But, they said, they could also understand them.
“We’ve been smothered for too long time,” said Jasmine Dong, another graduate student who attended the U.S.C. lecture.
By that, Ms. Dong did not mean that Chinese students had been repressed or censored by their own government. She meant that the Western news media had not acknowledged the strides China had made or the voices of overseas Chinese. “We are still neglected or misunderstood as either brainwashed or manipulated by the government,” she said.
No matter what China does, these students say, it cannot win in the arena of world opinion. “When we have a billion people, you said we were destroying the planet./ When we tried limiting our numbers, you said it is human rights abuse,” reads a poem posted on the Internet by “a silent, silent Chinese” and cited by some students as an accurate expression of their feelings. “When we were poor, you thought we were dogs./ When we loan you cash, you blame us for your debts./ When we build our industries, you called us polluters./ When we sell you goods, you blame us for global warming.”
Rather than blend in to the prevailing campus ethos of free debate, the more strident Chinese students seem to replicate the authoritarian framework of their homeland, photographing demonstration participants and sometimes drowning out dissent.
A Tibetan student who declined to be identified for fear of harassment said he decided not to attend a vigil for Tibet on his campus, which he also did not want identified because there are so few Tibetans there. “It’s not that I didn’t want to, I really did want to go — it’s our cause,” he said. “At the same time, I have to consider that my family’s back there, and I’m going back there in May.”
Another factor fueling the zeal of many Chinese demonstrators could be that they, too, intend to return home; the Chinese government is widely believed to be monitoring large e-mail lists.
Universities have often tried to accommodate the anger of their Chinese students. Before the Dalai Lama’s visit to the University of Washington, the campus Chinese Students and Scholars Association wrote to the university president expressing hopes that the visit would focus only on nonpolitical issues and not arouse anti-China sentiments. According to a posting on the group’s Web site, the university president, Mark A. Emmert, told them in a meeting that no political questions would be raised at the Dalai Lama’s speech. A spokesman said the university, which opened an office in Beijing last fall, had prescreened student questions before the Chinese students voiced their concerns.


Monica Almeida/The New York Times
A lecture by a Tibetan monk at U.S.C.


Monica Almeida/The New York Times
The lecture drew Chinese students who angrily questioned him and handed out fliers opposing the Dalai Lama.

Some experts say that colleges feel constrained from reining in the more extreme protests through a combination of concerns about cultural sensitivity and a desire to expand their own ties with China.
“I think there tends to be a great deal of self-censorship,” said Peter Gries, director of the Institute for U.S.-China Issues at the University of Oklahoma, “and not just among American China scholars but among the whole web of people who do business with China, including school administrators.”
At the U.S.C. lecture, the Chinese students arrived early to distribute handouts on Tibet and China that contained a jumble of abbreviated history, slogans and maps with little context. A chart showing that infant mortality in Tibet had plummeted since 1951, when the Communist Chinese government asserted control, did not provide any means for comparison with mortality rates in China or other countries.
One photograph showed the Dalai Lama with Heinrich Harrer, author of “Seven Years in Tibet” and a one-time member of the Nazi Party — hence the question about the Dalai Lama’s connection to Hitler, who died when the Dalai Lama was nine. The question about slavery referred to the feudal system in place in Tibet until the mid-20th century. Another photograph purported to show a Tibetan drum that, according to the caption, was covered with “a virgin girl’s skin.”
The students said they were frustrated by a sense that many accounts of the recent riots did not reflect the violence and destruction by the Tibetan protesters, who vandalized shops owned by Han Chinese (the ethnic majority in China). According to official Chinese news sources, 22 died in the rioting.
Much of the anger has the tenor of disillusionment. During the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, the Western news media was seen as a source of otherwise elusive truth.
“We thought Western media is very objective,” said Chau Wu, a 28-year-old working on his doctorate in material science, “and what it turned out is that Western media is even more biased than Chinese media. They’re no better, and even more, they’re against us.”
Students argue that China has spent billions on Tibet, building schools, roads and other infrastructure. Asked if the Tibetans wanted such development, they looked blankly incredulous. “They don’t ask that question,” said Lionel Jensen, a China scholar at Notre Dame. “They’ve accepted the basic premise of aggressive modernization.”
That may be, some experts suggest, because the students whose families can afford to send them abroad are the ones who have benefited the most from China’s economic liberalization.
Spring Zheng, 27, another graduate student at U.S.C., dismissed the notion that her patriotism stemmed from the government’s efforts to use the schools to instill national pride, particularly after Tiananmen Square.
Rather, Ms. Zheng said, “We have witnessed with our own eyes about the rapid change of China. China is developing fast, and Chinese people’s lives” are “becoming better and better, fast.”
As the U.S.C. session wound to a close, the organizer, Lisa Leeman, a documentary film instructor, pleaded for a change in tone. “My hope for this event, which I don’t totally see happening here, is for people on both, quote, sides to really hear each other and maybe learn from each other,” Ms. Leeman said. “Are there any genuine questions that don’t stem from a political point of view, that are really not here to be on a soap box?”
At that moment, the bottle hit the wall.

Michael Anti contributed reporting from Cambridge, Mass.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: April 30, 2008
An article on Tuesday about Chinese students in the United States who have to deal with negative images of their home country misspelled the family name of a doctoral student at the University of Southern California who said the Western news media were biased against China. He is Chau Wu, not Chou Wu.

标题: Chinese Students in U.S. Fight View of Their Home
http://www.anti-cnn.com/forum/cn/thread-41741-1-1.html
来源: 纽约时报网站http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/2 ... 9&ex=1209700800
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SHAILA DEWAN2008年4月29日发表，文末附修正声明

洛杉矶讯：当微笑的喇嘛在南加州大学讲堂答问的日期临近，满堂的中国学生听众已为他们的客人准备好了连串的炮轰。

本周二Ben Huang正在挑战一名喇嘛（Monica Almeida摄）

Min Zhu（中）因投掷瓶子被带离喇嘛在南加州大学的活动会场（Monica Almeida摄）

如果西藏不是中国的一部分，为什么是中国皇帝赐给了dl喇嘛封号？在中国开始现代化以前，佛教原则怎么会和奴隶制度一致？dl喇嘛和希特勒到底有没有联系？
在喇嘛试图反驳学生时，他们变得敌对起来。他们挥舞着照片和统计数据以支持他们的观点。“停止撒谎！停止撒谎！”一个年轻人说道。一个塑料水瓶砸在了喇嘛身后的墙上，随后校警把扔瓶子的人逐出了房间。
自从留美中国学生被迫面对一个他们既不认可，也不赞同的祖国形象，如上述这样激进好斗的场面，已经在全国各处的大学里上演。从上个月在西藏发生骚乱、奥运圣火传递被扰乱以及呼吁抵制北京奥运会开幕式开始，素来对政治保持沉默的中国学生，对他们感知到的普遍深入的反华偏见展开了猛烈回击。
根据美国国务院统计，去年有超过四万二千名来自中国内地的学生在美国学习，而在2003年尚不足两万名。
包括康奈尔大学、华盛顿大学西雅图分校和加州大学的校园里，警官看到这一波反示威活动运用着对学院背景来说过于尖锐的策略。在华盛顿大学，学生们要求限制dl喇嘛的非政治演讲。在杜克大学，支持中国的学生聚集在一起，淹没了支持西藏的守夜活动；一名试图调停的中国新生受到死亡威胁，她的家人不得不躲藏起来。
上周六，远自佛罗里达和田纳西的学生们聚集到亚特兰大，抗议CNN评论员Jack Cafferty关于中国人是“暴民和匪徒”的言论。（CNN表示他是针对中国政府，而不是中国人民。）
学生们愤怒了，邮件填满了各大校园论坛，不全是因为对中国政府的满意度，而是因为震惊于对中国政府行为的描写，以及因西方长时间以来对西藏的扭曲迷恋而造成的失望，一种被这些学生称为偏执性眼盲的迷恋。
基本上，他们不承认在西藏有文化和宗教压迫，强调普通藏人在中国的经济发展下生活繁荣，只有极少数人感到不满。
“我来这之前，我是个大大的自由主义者。”Minna Jia，一个鼓励同学们去参加那个喇嘛讲座的U.S.C政治学研究生说，“但是,当我来到这里，我的教授告诉我说我是一个民族主义者。”
“我相信民主。”Jia小姐补充道，“但是我无法支持某些人用扭曲的方式来指责我的国家。你们穿着中国的衣服，用着中国的商品。”
本文中采访的学生们对超出愤怒底线的事情表示了悲哀，如对杜克大学新生的死亡威胁和投掷瓶子，他们指出中国学生对于抗议没有什么经验，但他们说能够理解那些行为。
“我们已经被窒息得太久了。”Jasmine Dong，另一名参加U.S.C. 讲座的研究生说。
实际上，Dong小姐的意思不是说中国学生被他们自己的政府压制或审查，她的意思是西方新闻媒体不承认中国的巨大进步以及海外华人的声音。“我们依然因为政府的洗脑和操纵手段而被忽视和误解。”她说。
这些学生们说，无论中国做什么，在国际舆论舞台上都无法获胜。“我们有数亿人口，你们说我们在毁灭地球；我们努力减少人口，你们说我们践踏人权。”这首发表在网络上的名为《沉默，沉默的中国人》的诗，被一些学生赞为准确地表达了他们自己的感受，“当我们贫穷时，你们把我们当狗看；当我们借给你们钱时，你们为你们自己的债务而责备我们；当我们建立我们自己的工业时，你们叫我们污染者；当我们卖给你们东西时，你们大叫我们是全球威胁。”
不同于糅合了校园气质的自由辩论，更多的激进中国学生似乎承袭了他们家乡的独裁主义体制，给示威参与者拍照，有时还压制反对声音。
一位拒绝被认为是害怕遭到报复的藏人学生说，他决定不参加他学校内的为西藏守夜活动，他同时不希望被认为是因为这里的藏人太少。“不是因为我不想去，我的确想去，这是我们的事业，”他说，“但同时我也得为我的家人考虑，而且我五月份就要回家了。”
另一个助长许多中国示威者的热情的因素是，他们也想回家，而中国政府被普遍认为正监视着大量的电子邮件往来。
各大学经常要设法调和他们的中国学生的愤怒。在dl喇嘛造访华盛顿大学之前，校内的中国学生和学者协会致信校长，表示他们希望这次造访将只集中于非政治事务并且不煽动反华情绪。根据网站上发布的消息，校长Mark A. Emmert表示此次会议中，dl喇嘛的演讲将不会被问及政治问题。这所去年秋天刚刚在背景设立了办事处的学校，其发言人说，在中国学生们发言提问前，已经对学生的问题进行了提前筛选。

西藏喇嘛在U.S.C.的讲座（Monica Almeida摄）


讲座吸引了愤怒质问他的中国学生，学生们散发了反对dl的传单（Monica Almeida摄）

有些专家说，各学院对控制更激进的，贯穿着文化敏感利益的抗议感到不安，并表示了对于和中国建立纽带的渴望。
“我认为这会促成很多自我审视。”俄克拉荷马大学美中事务协会主席Peter Gries说，“不仅在美国的中国问题学者中间，也在整个对华关系网的人们中间，包括学校管理者们。”
在U.S.C.的课程中，早到的中国学生散发了关于中国和西藏的宣传品，内容包括纷繁杂乱的简史、口号和没有什么注释的地图。一张图表显示着西藏自1951年中国共产党政府接管以来直线下降的婴儿死亡率，但没有与中国或其他国家早期数据的对比，以致毫无意义。
一张照片显示dl喇嘛与《西藏七年》的作者Heinrich Harrer——一个曾经的纳粹党员——在一起，以证明dl喇嘛与早在他九岁时就死了的希特勒的联系。关于奴隶制度的问题提到西藏直到二十世纪中叶仍在实行封建制度。另一张照片据标题所示，是一面用“处女的皮肤”做成的藏鼓。
学生们说，他们感觉受挫，因为对最近骚乱的统计数据并没有显示出那些摧毁汉人（中国的主要种族）商店的抗议者的暴虐和破坏程度。据中国官方媒体公布，22人死于骚乱。
很多愤怒都伴随着觉醒。在1989年的天安门事件中，西方新闻媒体被视作获得真相的另一面的途径。
“我们曾认为西方媒体非常客观，”拥有材料科学博士头衔的28岁的Chau Wu说，“但现在显示出西方媒体比中国媒体更扭曲。他们不是更好的，而且更甚的是，他们敌对我们。”
学生们愤怒于中国花费了数亿元在西藏，修建学校、道路和其它基础设施。当被问及西藏人是不是想要这些发展时，他们看起来很一脸怀疑。“他们不问那些问题。”巴黎圣母院（？）的中国专家Lionel Jensen说，“他们已经接受了现代化侵略性的基本前提。”
也许是吧，按照专家观点，因为这些学生们的家庭能够负担他们出国学习，必然是那些受惠于中国的贸易自由的人们。
27岁的Spring Zheng是U.S.C的另一研究生，拒绝承认她的爱国情绪是源自政府在学校里慢慢灌输民族自豪感，特别是在天安门事件之后。
或者应该是如Zheng小姐所说的：“我们用我们的眼睛见证了中国发生的巨大变化，中国正在快速发展，中国人民的生活正在迅速变得越来越好。”
在U.S.C会议即将结束的时候，组织者Lisa Leeman，一位纪录片讲解员，为状况的变化做出了辩护：“我所希望，双方的人们互相倾听、互相学习，没有完全在这里发生，”Leeman小姐说，“难道这里就没有一个诚恳的问题？一个和那些踩着肥皂似的危险的政治观点无关的问题？”
这个时候，一个瓶子砸在了墙上。


Michael Anti马萨诸塞州剑桥供稿。
本文因下述错误而被修订：
周二关于在美中国学生对抗对其祖国的负面形象的文章，错误拼写了了一位称西方新闻媒体对中国持偏见的，南加州大学博士生的名字。他的名字叫Chau Wu，不是Chou Wu。

【译者评】New York Times的文章对待中国一向是比较公允的——和大部分外媒相比——有时甚至能作出一些深刻评论，但很多时候，那些正确的理论和逻辑被用错了地方，因为即使他们对中国目前的社会逻辑比较了解，却对社会事实和历史事实了解太少，用老百姓的话来说就是：“理儿是那个理儿，事儿不是那个事儿。”
而且所有真正涉及到立场的问题，比如上面用红色标出的部分，所有的分析和讨论，最终还是会滑进那个规定框架里去：因为中国独裁、洗脑、邪恶、异教徒，所以可以证明他们是独裁、洗脑、邪恶、异教徒。Bullshit。
而且从那个结尾来看，我又不禁怀疑纽约时报对中国的善意是不是出于秀逗的无政府主义背景。
要推翻他们毕生的信仰，告诉他们以前他们信奉为真理的东西其实都是狗屁，绝对是一个艰难而漫长的过程。可无论如何，我都无法忍受那种愚蠢的宗教观，他们才是真正在压迫宗教自由，因为他们不允许人们有不信教的自由。从来用不了三句两句，那个阴魂不散的“基督”就会出来蹦哒。我甚至在某个朱迪福斯特主演的科幻电影里看到这样情节：外星人发来了信息，在接收到信号的天文台附近立刻聚集了大批想要证明上帝还存在或证明上帝已经死了的人，他们开始互相掐架。女主角非常想驾驶外星人留下的飞船，而正好她的前男友在决定人选的委员会里——当然是美国人组成的委员会——但是这位先生没有提名他的女朋友，因为他“不能让一个不信仰上帝的人驾驶飞船”。
很幽默是不是？但很抱歉，我想骂街了，每次想起这部混蛋电影都想骂。而且我看过的类似电影多了去了。
好吧，让他们救赎去吧，死去吧。
但这篇文章提到的，对中国学生们散发的宣传品的看法，很值得那些正在为此而努力工作的同学们参考。
同时我很想提醒一下，不要因为总是看到西方媒体提什么天安门事件就又不小心被他们洗脑了，政治没有那么简单，当年的学生们差不多就像现在那些给ZD举旗子的白人傻蛋们一样，他们大多很真诚，只是彻彻底底被骗了。
外国人说话总是理直气壮，是因为他们头脑简单。我不是大汉族主义者，如果你也是一生中得到的信息百分之五十来自国外的话，如果你也是同时通读所有中西方名著和原文报纸的话，如果你对西方比较了解的话，你多半会得出和我一样的结论。所以我的建议是：宁可相信中国消息，因为它精致而有迹可循，而外国消息，通常愚蠢而单纯，没有漏洞通常是因为太简单，而愚蠢得毫无价值。
我一直认为今年的所有事件就是一场信息大战，但同时也将是一次新的伟大的中西方文化交流的开始。语言、文化、政治、宗教都将经历一场超级地震。而且我预言，到最后人们会发现，这场高科技战争打来打去，居然是在打一场宗教战争？！一场被化外之民的原始宗教情绪驱动的愚蠢战争。当然，他们是宗教，我们是非宗教。考虑到“光脚的不怕穿鞋的”的伟大真理，我不是很肯定我们能胜过那些掐诀念咒的巫婆神汉们。
2008必将载入史册。

[ 本帖最后由 puer 于 2008-5-1 09:59 编辑 ]

我想在今年，很多人的希望都破灭了吧，对西方媒体的

纽约时报在美国算主流的，再说起来它还算左倾待的，但它的文章还是充斥对中国的偏见和傲慢~

太白痴了，如果你美国的电子邮件都被中国监听，那你美国的脸往哪里搁。

有感于《沉默，沉默的中国人》的诗， 其实我们不管怎样做， 在他们的眼里我们都是错误的， 不管我们几千几万人的怎样呐喊他们都听不见， 只因为我们有一个名字：中国！ 如果你有一个名字叫“反对中国”管你是蝼蚁还是跳蚤，马上就是所有的新闻媒体都跟上！ 绝对的头条！ 好一个自由民主的新闻自由！真的很自由！

为什么提起共产主义一些人的第一反应就是反动和**？！！！

“我去那儿之前，我是个大大的自由主义者。”Minna Jia，一个鼓励同学们去参加那个喇嘛讲座的U.S.C政治学研究生说，“但当我去了以后，我的教授告诉我说我是一个民族主义者。”

should be "我来这里以前...."

对，人类战争归根到底就是信仰和宗教的战争。

是对西方文化破灭了，是东方文化重建的开始

那些无耻的蠢驴(西方反华分子)罪该万死!

原教旨主义的美国，其外表似乎已经进入21世纪，其实内心乃至灵魂还停留在中世纪。看看前不久查获的“一夫多妻制”的摩门教末世圣徒教会，还有人民圣殿教。

我们早看穿了西方，所谓的人权，自由，其实是他们伪善的借口，因为社会发展到今天，强盗不能那样明目张胆地抢劫，所以就改换一种形式实行同一个抢夺中国的目标。中国人不是傻子，只是我们在没有足够的强大之前，我们只能面对敌人的污蔑时，我们实行本能的防御。所以要改变世界格局，我们首要的就是发展经济壮大国防。中国需要民主，但不是西方的照搬照抄民主，是有中国特色符合中国国情的东方基本传统的民主。在未真正的发达之前，中国只能采取先经济后政治民主，当富裕到一定阶段后，需要采取政治民主辅佐经济发展，当完全发达后，让西方学习东方的民主。

西方媒体是谎言之首，造谣中心，偏见工厂，是信息恐怖主义．以美国为首的西方帝国主义的侵略本性永远不会改变，只是侵略方式花样不停变．打倒帝国主义！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！！１１ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@ :@

对于西方民主，根本是一句话就可以驳倒的：我为什么要投票给一个我不认识的人？为什么我要在一堆我不认识的人里面选择一个来治理我的国家或地方？
美国一位伟大的科幻作家比约德提到过一个非常深刻的观点：现在的人们已经丧失了为别人负责和让别人为自己负责的信仰。
如果是我，我宁愿像现在我国的选举体制这样，在我认识的某位劳模或者居委会大婶或者邻居教授之间选出一位**，他或她将作为类似“民众抽样调查”的角色参政议政。我不想投票给什么惺惺作态的陌生人，或者把治理国家的权力交给个一生中前五十年都在做演艺工作的男演员，或者某个出身名门家财万贯但智商低下的公子爷。